1/17/2024 0 Comments Boris red manual![]() For many years he was the director of the legendary Chess Department of the INEF College in Moscow. With a foreword by Fabiano Caruana.īoris Zlotnik is an International Master from Russia and a leading chess trainer. It is your passport to a body of instructive material of unparalleled quality, collected during a lifetime of training and coaching chess.Ī large selection of exercises, carefully chosen and didactically tuned, will help you drill what you have learned. Zlotnik’s Middlegame Manual is accessible to a wide range of post-beginners and club players. You will find it so much easier to steer your game in the right direction after the opening has ended. That is exactly what this book gives you: Zlotnik’s legendary study material about the middlegame, modernized, greatly extended and published in the English language for the first time.Īs you familiarize yourself with the most important strategic ideas and manoeuvres in important basic opening structures, you will need less time to locate the clues in middlegame positions. To guide your thinking during a game you should be able to fall back on a tank of typical ideas and methods. Pasing through concrete variations (a popular pastime in the computer era) is not enough. ![]() ![]() That’s what Boris Zlotnik has been stressing during his long and rich trainer’s career. Getting Brexit done, it turns out, was the easy part.If you want to improve your middlegame play, you will have to develop a feeling for positions. Having raised hopes of radical domestic reform, the Conservatives now face a difficult choice: plough ahead and risk defeat on one front, or back off and risk a beating on another. Nor can the Conservatives avoid fights by sitting on their hands – the impatient red wall voters, promised “levelling up” and “unleashing Britain’s potential”, have low trust in politics, no inherent love for the Conservative party, and will not accept second best. Johnson has no hope of pleasing MPs on both fronts, yet his constant caving to rebellions brings its own risks, intensifying the perception of a chaotic and rudderless government. Their job is to represent their constituents’ interests, and they are emboldened by the knowledge that their leader regularly reverses course under pressure. It is no wonder the MPs in these two new battlegrounds object so regularly and loudly to their own government. Masses of new, affordable homes are a dream for red wall renters, but a nightmare for remain wall homeowners, for whom the nimby instinct runs deep.Įven the fate of Boris Johnson himself splits the battlegrounds: the prime minister’s distinctive appeal in the red wall would be hard to replace, but Tories in the remain wall would breathe easier with a more traditional figure in charge. Ambitious levelling up investment is what red wall voters want to see remain wall voters fear higher tax bills will follow. The two new fronts the Conservatives must defend are different worlds, at odds over the government’s domestic policy agenda. This divide in outlook and priorities stretches beyond the electoral battleground: many of the 200 or so (currently) safe Conservative seats resemble one of the new battlegrounds, and their MPs will often align with less secure colleagues. Red wall seats have low house prices and more voters in council housing remain wall seats have expensive housing and high home ownership rates. Red wall seats are working class and graduate light remain wall seats are middle class and graduate heavy. The red wall is clustered in the Midlands and the north the remain wall in the south. The government therefore cannot afford to alienate either the red wall or the remain wall.īut these seats are poles apart. But if these are combined with substantial losses on either of the new fronts, the Conservative majority is immediately at risk. Lost seats in the traditional swing areas are a certainty if the government’s popularity falls. Tory MPs are emboldened by the knowledge that their leader regularly reverses course under pressure ![]() This “remain wall” includes many former safe seats where the Tory majority has been slashed since Brexit. There are now about two dozen Conservative seats in remain areas facing a credible Labour challenge, and another 30 also in largely remain areas where the Conservatives need to fend off resurgent Liberal Democrats. The Brexit realignment that turned the red wall blue has also had implications elsewhere. They will be as competitive as ever next time. There are at least 50 seats in this category, market towns and “swingy” suburbs whose mixed demographics reflect the nation, and where party control has shifted over many cycles on the ebb and flow of national opinion. Traditional swing seats might get less attention but they are just as numerous and count the same towards the outcome. ![]()
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